Ultimately, Denis' film suggests a resistance to unreachable gender ideals through a queer system of kinship. From this parallel reading of the film-text alongside Butler, I propose that while the film more obviously engages with 'the regulatory production of homoerotic sociality' (Butler) and with the normative institutionalization of gender's melancholia, it also provides a radical reminder of the possibilities of what we call 'queer knowledge' as a counter to recent queer domestication and familial accommodation.This potential inheres in the strange sublime beauty and stylized cruelty which exceed the limits of existing sexual knowledge while also showing how the political promise of Butler's performativity can be seen to reside in the extent to which the abjecting strategies of homophobic dominance can lose control, unleashing ritualistic pleasures and seemingly illegible rages that speak beyond the confines of institutionalized SM. Denis 1998) through close engagement with strands of thought in the queer theory of Judith Butler, in particular the military and masculinity, sadomasochism (SM) subcultures, and 'heterosexual melancholia'. This article provides a critical response to the film Beau Travail (director C. This article argues that through the deft use of humour, imagery, and coded doublespeak, Men Only courted a homosexual market segment a full half century before advertisers and marketers would openly acknowledge and seek the Pink Pound. By 1939, however, as the magazine’s references to homosexuality and urban queer subcultures became increasingly dated and less lucrative, it began to direct its attention to a new military and home front audience. But by printing such concerns the magazine producers further highlighted Men Only’s complicated dual address.

Some even expressed concern that particular magazine elements were ‘a trifle pansy’.

Other readers sometimes decoded the magazine’s references and doublespeak too. Instead, both textual and visual references to subcultural codes, practices, and homoerotically charged situations all reinforced potential readings of the magazine that would be understood by a queer audience. References to homosexuality in Men Only went beyond mockery and insults directed at effeminate men. But at the same time, I argue, it addressed and courted another audience long associated with urban leisure and fashionable consumption. From its first issue, in December 1935, the magazine cultivated a mainstream audience of middle-class, presumably heterosexual male consumers.

Men Only was among the earliest men’s lifestyle magazines published in Britain.

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